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As background to the TAV project, this paper presents a brief description of the infrastructure plan and its evolution through the years.The roles of various actors and their arguments are then examined to better understand the context and dynamics of the conflict, and to identify the influence of values regarding health, environment and ecology, safety, speed, cost, territory, transport, economy and quality of The high-speed line is divided into 3 segments (Figure 2): The French one managed by Réseau Ferré de France (RFF) would go from Lyon to St Jean de Maurienne.The first local committee, “Habitat” was born in 1991 and the first coordinated group of civil society and local institutions was created in 1994.The decades-long struggle of the Susa Valley people is very complex and cannot be reduced to a NIMBY (Not in My Backyard, see text box below).

Figure 2: the 3 sections of the main project for TAV Turin-Lyon, (Appiotti, Marcincioni, 2009)Figure 3: TAV line from Venaus to Turin, the Italian part in red; the international part in blue, the existing line in black, and the Susa valley municipalities (Leonardi, 2007).The Susa Valley, situated between Maurienne, France and Turin, Italy, has been urbanised by the economic development of the region.The area is scarred by infrastructure like the Frejus highway, an international railway, and numerous dams, tunnels and industries.The “No TAV” movement, spontaneously born in the 1990s, is the grass-roots movement of the Susa Valley population against the construction of the tunnel.Composed mainly of civil society committees and organisations and local institutions, their struggle is motivated by the need to protect the environment but it is also a political and cultural struggle against the development logic of globalisation all over the world.

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